21. To reiterate a point made earlier in reference to Sassen, it is important not to overstate the effectiveness of the UN. Most of the cases taken to the UN described here have seen little concrete result.

22. Tsoukalas (1999) also argues that the nation-state continues to be the dominant site of struggle. Any nationally-based strategy in Canada, though, must recognize our multinational reality including ‘English-Canada,’ Quebec and the First Nations.

23. It must be kept in mind, of course, that many of the measures I describe here are based on the Canadian context, and are not easily transferable to other locations. This is particularly true when I come to ‘femocratic administration,’ where the landscape for women’s policy differs significantly from other places. Hester Eisenstein makes this point in reference to Australia, where the ‘femocrat’ (feminist bureaucrat) strategy was based on a particular, historic, set of social relations (1996: 205)

24. Representativity, while noted in democratic administration, becomes much more important in femocratic administration.

25. Rebick, like many others, stresses the need for a system of proportional representation (PR).

26. Hopefully this does not replicate the false dichotomy between the economic and the political. The purpose of democratic and femocratic administration is, after all, to bring back together the public and private, economic and political, that have, as Ellen Wood (1995) has shown, been separated in capitalism. In speaking of ‘democratizing the market,’ I am making two assumptions. First, I am influenced by feminist work on the public/private divide, which has shown that one’s ability to participate in the public sphere depends on significant change in the private (i.e. household and market) sphere (see, e.g., Phillips 1991). Second, I believe that democratizing the state will make it more possible for people to seek democracy in their everyday lives.

27. I will not elaborate further here, but an ‘inward-oriented’ strategy, of course, requires capital controls as well. At a conference on Feminist Political Economy and the Law, Marjorie Cohen (2001) called for a system of trade, monetary, and fiscal policy that allows for national variation.

28. Any nationally-based strategy in Canada though, must recognize our multinational reality including ‘English-Canada,’ Quebec and the First Nations.

29. It is curious how often feminist contributions are ignored in the democratic administration literature. In Shrinking the State: Globalization and Public Administration ‘Reform,’ Shields and Evans, for instance, even while citing Janine Brodie, (who has provided one of the leading feminist critiques of neoliberalism in Canada) largely bypass all of the gendered consequences of neoliberal restructuring. They manage to cite both Janine Brodie and Hilary Wainwright without ever mentioning gender.

30. This requires a feminism that is concerned not only with gender equality, but that of class, race, nationality, sexuality, ability, and age.

31. Femocratic administration should not be confused with what Chantal Mouffe, Nancy Fraser, and others call ‘radical democracy.’ The latter emerged from postmodern and poststructural theory, and does not involve significant restructuring of the economy. It should also not be read as referring only to the activities of ‘femocrats.’ I am using the term in a much broader way, to describe a variety of feminist efforts toward democratization.

32. For example see Alboim, 1997; Findlay, 1997, 1993a, 1993b, 1988, 1987; Gabriel, 1996; Geller-Schwartz, 1995, Lavigne, 1997; O’Neil & Sutherland, 1997; M. Randall, 1988; Teghtsoonian, 2000; Vickers, 1997; These Canadian sources are in addition to the extensive Australian body of work including, Eisenstein, 1996, 1991, 1990; Franzway et al, 1989; Sawer, 1994, 1991, 1990; Watson, 1992; Yeatman, 1990.

33. See for example, Rebick & Roach, 1996; Rebick, 2000.

34. See Bakker, 1998, 1996a, 1996b; Bakker & Elson, 1998; Teghtsoonian, 2000; UNIFEM, 2000.

35. See Vickers, 1997; Ferguson, 1984; Findlay, 1993b, 1987; Gabriel, 1996.

36. See Armstrong, 1996; Armstrong & Connelly, 1997; Bakker, 1998, 1996a, 1996b; Bakker & Elson, 1998; Brodie, 1996, 1995; Cohen, 1997; Evans & Wekerle, 1997; Rebick & Roach, 1996; Rebick, 2000.

37. The shorter workweek frees up time for both men and women, allowing for a more equitable division of domestic labour. This is, of course, no guarantee that such an equitable division will occur, and so the patriarchal structure of the family must remain an essential target of struggle for both women and men.

38. Jane Jenson (1996) also argues that pursuing a policy of worksharing is promising for women and men.

39. The type of calculations she is referring to are discussed by Bakker and Elson. They provide UNDP estimates that value women’s unpaid work at $11 trillion in 1995, in comparison to a global GDP of $23 trillion (301).

40. Waring (2001) also drew attention to the interesting fact that the 2000 federal budget set aside $9 million to extend the GPI to all provinces in Canada.

41. It must be noted that, as Meg Luxton as shown, time-use studies on their own are unable to measure important factors such as working conditions, efficiency and work quality, multiple tasks, and household variations, and therefore need to be supplemented with other strategies. For more on time-use studies, see Luxton 1997. Measuring time-use, however, does have the advantage of avoiding commodification, and advancing democratization.

42. For an excellent discussion of temporary work, see Vosko 2000.

43. emphasis mine.

Bibliography

Shortened References:

(1) Beijing + 5 = Beijing Plus Five Global Feminist Symposia, Feminisms and Globalization: Women 2000. CUNY Graduate Centre (New York), June, 2000.

(2) Socialist Register 1999 = Global Capitalism Versus Democracy: Socialist Register 1999. Leo Panitch & Colin Leys, eds. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1999.

(3) Bakker 1996 = Isabella Bakker, ed. Rethinking Restructuring: Gender and Change in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996.

(4) Andrew & Rodgers 1997 = Caroline Andrew & Sandra Rodgers, eds. Women and the Canadian State/Femmes et L’État Canadien. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997.

(5) Evans & Wekerle 1997 = Women and the Canadian Welfare State: Challenge and Change. Patricia M. Evans & Gerda R. Wekerle, eds. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997.

Adamson, Nancy, et al. Feminist Organizing for Change: The Contemporary Women’s Movement in Canada. Oxford University Press, 1988.

Albo, Gregory. “Competitive Austerity and the Impasse of Capitalist Employment Policy.” In Socialist Register 1994: Between Globalism and Nationalism. Ralph Miliband & Leo Panitch, eds. London: Merlin Press, 1994.

--. "Democratic Citizenship and the Future of Public Manage- ment." In A Different Kind of State? Popular Power and Democratic Administration. Oxford University Press, 1993.

Alboim, Naomi. “Institutional Structure as Change Agent: An Analysis of the Ontario Women’s Directorate.” In Andrew & Rodgers 1997.

Armstrong, Pat. “The Feminization of the Labour Force: Harmonizing Down in a Global Economy.” In Bakker 1996.

Armstrong, Pat, & Patricia M. Connelly. “Introduction: The Many Forms of Privatization.” Studies in Political Economy. 53 (Summer 1997).

Bakker, Isabella. “Neoliberal Governance and the New Gender Order.” Working Papers in Local Governance and Democracy 1 (1999).

--. Unpaid Work and Macroeconomics: New Discussions, New Tools for Action. Ottawa: Status of Women Canada, 1998.

--. "Introduction: The Gendered Foundations of Restructuring in Canada." In Bakker 1996[a].

--. "Deconstructing Macro-economics Through a Feminist Lens." In Women and Canadian Public Policy. Janine Brodie, ed. Toronto: Harcourt Brace, 1996b.

Bakker, Isabella, & Diane Elson. “Towards Engendering Budgets.” In The Alternative Federal Budget Papers 1998. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 1998.

Baynes, Jane. “Roundtable Discussion: Transnationalisms, Feminisms, and NGOs.” Beijing + 5.

Bazilli, Susan. “A Brief Guide to International Human Rights Law for Canadian Advocates.” Canadian Woman Studies 20, no. 3 (Fall 2000).

Bernard, Mitchell. “East Asia’s Tumbling Dominoes: Financial Crises and the Myth of the Regional Model.” In Socialist Register 1999.

British Columbia Coalition of Women’s Centres. “BC Coalition of Women’s Centres Joins in BC NGO Appeal to United Nations Committee.” Feb. 13, 2002. Http://www.campaignbc.ca/index.cfm/ fuseaction/news.article/article_ID/2435/index.cfm

Brodie, Janine. “Canadian Women, Changing State Forms, and Public Policy.” In Women and Canadian Public Policy. Janine Brodie, ed. Toronto: Harcourt Brace, 1996.

--. Politics on the Margins: Restructuring and the Canadian Women’s Movement. Halifax: Fernwood, 1995.