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13. Arthur R. Jensen, then a professor of psychology at UC Berkeley, created a furor with a 1969 article "How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement," published in the Harvard Educational Review. In this article Jensen "hypothesized that the racial and class-scoring differentials on IQ tests are mainly due to genetic differentials between races and classes.... Jensen's revival of heriditarianism was sensationalized by the mass media and seized upon by powerful decision makers who...made use of it as a rationale for cutbacks in recently launched education programs for children of lower socio-economic status." Elaine Mensh & Harry Mensh, The IQ Mythology: Class, Race, Gender and Inequality (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). William Shockley, a Stanford University professor of engineering, Nobel Laureate in physics, and the inventor of the transistor semiconductor, is best known for his forays into eugenics. Though he had no formal training in genetics or psychology, in the mid-'60s he became obsessed with the relationship between heredity, race and intelligence. He began to conduct statistical analysis on race and IQ testing , publishing his hereditarian conclusions.. By the 1970s he was a highly controversial lecturer who publicly advocated the sterilization of blacks with low IQs, promising to pay individual blacks who would undergo voluntary sterilization a "Bonus Plan" of $1,000 for every point below 100 on their IQ scores. At many universities student protesters, black and white, booed and heckled him, not allowing him to speak. As a counterpoint to the sterilization of blacks, Shockley was also an advocate of , and donor to, "Nobel sperm banks," designed to pass on the genes of white "geniuses" and Nobel prize winners such as himself.

14. Richard J.Herrnstein's original article, "I.Q." Atlantic Monthly (September, 1971), 43-64, was expanded into a book entitled I.Q. in the Meritocracy (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973).

15. New York Times Magazine, June 5, 1977 (on Leroy "Nicky" Barnes); August 14, 1977 (on Saul Kripke).

16. According to various website sources, Barnes turned evidence on his former partners, helping to convict 50 people. He was released after serving 21 years and relocated in a federal witness program. While in prison he won a national poetry contest for federal inmates and completed a college degree with honors.

17. Another variation of the phrase is Post-Traumatic Slavery Syndrome. This indeed may have been the original expression. Our Times Press cites that it ran a three part series under this title in 1998, "taking the title from the lecture of Professor Joy Leary, at St. Paul Community Baptist Church MAAFA lectures" (Our Times Press, February 2003: "Black History, Black Consciousness," p.8). The phrase may have undergone transformation as it was circulated by the public; and the public, perhaps erroneously, has attributed the coining of the phrase to other professors. Ma'afa, [as in MAAFA lectures above] is a Swahili word which means "an event of great disaster, misfortune or calamity"; it has great currency amongst the Afrocentric public. It is used in specific reference to the African Holocaust of Enslavement (or Enslavement and continued Oppression). In the Afrocentric circles, great care is made to use the phrase "Enslaved Africans" instead of the word "slaves" and "Enslavement" instead of "slavery." This is to indicate that the Africans offered resistance to enslavement and never capitulated to the role of slaves.

18. "The Stockholm Syndrome," The Peace Encyclopedia <http://www.yahoodi.com/peace/>.

19. Sultan A. Latif & Naima Latif, Slavery: The African American Psychic Trauma (Chicago: Latif Communications Group, Inc., 1994); Na'im Akbar, Breaking the Chains of Psychological Slavery (Tallahassee: Mind Productions and Associates, 1996).

20. Zip Coon, a distorted image of the free Negro in the north was an extremely interesting contrast to Sambo. Zip Coon, or simply the Coon, was a dandy and a buffoon, whose speech was full of hilarious malapropisms, mispronunciations, grammatical mistakes, etc. In attempting to imitate whites he made a complete mockery of himself. His image demonstrated the utter failure of blacks to adapt to freedom and Western civilized standards. Sambo and Zip Coon provided dual images since the Coon was an example of the disastrous consequences of Negro freedom and Sambo an example of "happy darkies in their place." In the Reconstruction era, another image of freed blacks-this time freed southern blacks-appeared: the Brute or the Savage. This was best exemplified in D.W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation-where reconstruction era blacks were portrayed as out-of-control, animalistic, aggressive and violent. This distorted image was a rationale and justification for the end of Reconstruction and the rise of the white supremacy, the Klan, and an era of lynchings. The Mammy is discussed in detail elsewhere in this paper. The Uncle was the elderly black slave, who in his senior years was no longer portrayed as Sambo, but as a faithful retainer. Pickaninnies were black children-always pictured as dirty, unkempt furry little animals and unsympathetic victims or targets of comic violence (being pursued by snapping alligators and the like). Paraphrased from Ethnic Notions.

21. Donald Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films (New York: Continuum, 1992). Bogle argues that Blacks in films were shown as five stereotyped characters "toms (they served their masters well); coons (the funny men who assured whitey all blacks were harmless and stupid); mulattoes (their "tragedy" was they weren't born all white); mammies (sexless earth mothers who devoted their lives to their white charges); and bucks (bestial superstuds after the pure white flesh of virgins)."

22. See Melvin Patrick Ely, The Adventures of Amos 'n' Andy; A Social History of an American Phenomenon (New York: The Free Press, 1991).

23. Marguerite Ross Barnett, "Distorted Images: Stereotypes of African-Americans in U.S. Popular Art" (Brochure of museum exhibit, the Muse Community Museum of Brooklyn, July-August, 1984).

24. Joseph Boskin, Sambo:The Rise and Demise of An American Jester, (New York: Oxford,University Press, 1986).

25. Ibid., p. 35.

26. Ibid., p. 38.

27. My colleague, Geneva Smitherman, a leading authority on black language, defines "tricknology" in her Ebonics dictionary, Black Talk, as simply "European American technological innovations, viewed as things to be distrusted, as often being not technology, but tricknology. Popularized by The Nation [of Islam]." (I checked the entry in her dictionary after completing my own definition.) I concede that her definition should be incorporated into my overall definition, since in the mythology of the Nation of Islam and their offshoot, the Five Percenters, the founder of tricknology was Yakub, an evil "big-headed" [brainiac] scientist, who created the white race through genetic engineering experiments. He then taught tricknology to his creations. In this sense I would expand my definition to say that tricknology also includes "using science and technology in a devious, treacherous, manipulative or malevolent manner." But I respectfully differ with my friend and colleague on her point that the term tricknology is delimited to the white man's distrusted technological innovations. See Geneva Smitherman, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1994). Going to the original text as a final source of arbitration, I quote part of the answer to Lost-Found Muslim Lesson No. 1 Question # 4, which relates the mythology of how the white trouble-makers created by the evil scientist Yakub were banished from the Holy City of Mecca and exiled to the caves of Europe where they became savages until they were rescued by the Prophet Musa who "came two thousand years later and taught him [the white man] how to live a respectful life, how to build a home for himself and some of the forgotten Tricknology that Yakub had taught him, which was devilishment--telling lies, stealing and how to master the Original Man" [how to become masters over black people]. [Emphasis is mine.] As with any sacred or authoritative text, the verses only give us the barebones skeleton of parameters. It is the interpreters of the text who flesh out the skeleton by voluminous commentary. The Five Percenters in particular, are known for "sciencing" out the Lessons, i.e., giving extensive commentary on the Lessons, most of it in oral rather than written form. It is from their oral commentary that I derive my definition. [This quotation comes from my personal collection of photocopied Lessons given to me by Five Percenters and NOI members when I was researching my article "The Five Percenters: A Teenage Nation of Gods and Earths," in Yvonne Haddad & Jane Idleman Smith, eds., Muslim Communities in North America (Albany: SUNY Press, 1994). The complete Q&A from which the above quote is taken appears in my article "African American Muslims and the Question of Identity: Between Traditional Islam, African Heritage and the American Way," in Yvonne Haddad & John L. Esposito, eds., Muslims on the Americanization Path? (Athens, GA: Scholars Press, 1998), p. 305, n. 17. A booklet entitled The Supreme Wisdom containing the for-members-only Lessons of the NOI has recently been published and made available in New York City metro area black bookstores-without the authorization or the sanction of either the NOI or the Five Percenters-by the eclectic elder Melchisedek Supreme Shabazz Allah, who has held membership in both groups, and has now proclaimed himself "Universal High Priest" of his own new splinter group.]

28. This list summarizes the argument put forth by Stanley Elkins in Chapter III of Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life. This chapter is entitled "Slavery and Personality" (pp. 81-139), and it constitutes the heart of the book., i.e., it is this chapter which raised all of the furor and controversy, and made the book a new paradigm for the historiography of slavery.

29. Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, 1967),.Ch. 4, "The So-Called Dependency Complex of Colonial Peoples," pp. 83-108.

30. O. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonization (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1964). An infinitely better-and more readable-work on the social psychology of colonialism is Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967).

31. William Shakespeare, The Tempest, Act IV, Scene 1, lines 188-189.

32. Ibid, Act I, Scene 2, lines 332-336.

33. Mannoni, p. 76f.

34. Stanislav Andreski, Social Sciences as Sorcery (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1972).

35. Keith Gilyard, Let's Flip the Script: An African American Discourse on Language, Literature and Learning (Detroit: Wayne State University Press), p. 1.

36. My undergraduate years were spent at Columbia University; I entered in September 1968 on the heels of the great Morningside Heights student uprising of the previous May. More importantly, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., had been assassinated in April of that year, setting off urban insurrections in 125 cities across the country.

37. Gil Scott-Heron, from the album Pieces of Man (Flying Dutchman label, 1971).

38. My anecdote about King Kong, is again based on my rich undergraduate college experience. In 1969 or 1970, an article analyzing the racial symbolism of King Kong appeared in our student newspaper, the Columbia Spectator. The article caused quite a stir among my circle of classmates when we read it, and it would prove to grip my imagination forever. Unfortunately, I can't give credit to the ingenious student who wrote the article, as I no longer have a copy of it at hand. (None of the black students recognized the byline, so the penetratingly insightful author was probably white.) Circa 1990 I visited the Columbia Spectator archives and diligently searched for, found and copied the article, but alas have long since misfiled it. At this juncture I won't rummage through my files or make a long trip across town to the university for the sake of a more documented endnote. I have long since amplified upon, added detail to, and extended the original Spectator analysis for classroom exposition, and I have written about King Kong in several different venues since the mid-80s. See, for example, Brain Tablet (New York; Bedford-Stuyvesant Underground Press, 1992), a black, adult underground "comix" book, written by "Professor Homeboy," and drawn by artists Winston Blakely, et. al.; "The Melanin Mind Game," pp. 24-26 Question no. 82. (Copy in the Schomburg Center for Black Culture). See also Yusuf Nuruddin, "Contemporary Black Patriotism and Historical Amnesia," in Nadia Ahmed, et al., eds., Unveiling the Real Terrorist Mind (X-Libris, 2002). The racial symbolism of King Kong has been independently discovered and written about by others. About five years ago in a return visit to one of my graduate school stomping grounds, Cambridge, MA, while browsing through the bookstores I discovered (but only skimmed through) a lengthy analysis of King Kong in a posthumous collection of essays by James Snead, White Screens, Black Images: Hollywood from the Dark Side, ed. Colin MacCabe & Cornel West (New York: Routledge, 1994).

39. Sambo, as noted earlier, is a name connoting a bow-legged monkey. The slavemaster, in choosing Sambo as his stereotype for black people, reduces the image of a threatening ape to a cute, manageable, mischievous monkey. For a discussion of the white perception of blacks as apes see Winthrop Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro 1550-1812 (Baltimore: Penguin, 1969), pp. 28-32; reprinted in Ronald Takaki, ed. From Different Shores: Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp.46-48. A racist illustration comparing "The Negro" to the ape, with caption "Scientists Say Negro Still in Ape Stage: Races Positively Not Equa,l" was circulated by Aryan Nation/Ku Klux Klan types; see Indus Khamit Kush, What They Never Told You in History Class (Luxorr Publications, 1983), p. 12.

40. See Joel Kovel, White Racism: A Psychohistory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984[1970]), Ch. 4, " The Fantasies of Race," esp. pp. 67-75; also Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: Ramparts Press, 1970), "The Primeval Mitosis," pp. 163-75.

41. William E. Cross, Jr., et al., "The Stages of Black Identity Development: Nigrescence Models," in Reginald L. Jones, Black Psychology, 3rd ed. (Berkeley: Cobbs & Henry, 1991), pp.319-38. See also Thomas A. Parham, et al., The Psychology of Blacks: An African-Centered Perspective (Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1999), Ch. 3, "The Struggle for Identity Congruence in African Americans."

42. William E. Cross, Jr.,"The Negro to Black Conversion Experience," Black World (July , 1971), 13-27.

43. Alliteratively, I am tempted to name the process indicated by this poster the "Sambo to Simba" Transformation¾"simba" being the Swahili word for lion, which, like the gorilla, evokes African power, but would be a symbol chosen by us rather than by Hollywood. Umar Bin Hassan's poem This is Madness, quoted at the beginning of this essay, contains a line "the anger of a hundred simbas was burning inside of me"; in the black American community there are many African-centered rite-of-passage programs or scouting troops where the young men are called Simbas, and, of course, it's only a short leap from the symbol of the Simba to that of the Black Panther.

44. Robin D. G. Kelley, Yo' Mama's Disfunktional: Fighting the Culture Wars in Urban America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1997), pp. 1-4. Interestingly, Kelley states that his book "is not the sort of defense that turns the discourse on its head, 'flipping the script,' in order to paint a noble unblemished portrait of the black urban poor." I have a different understanding of "flippin' the script" than Robin; I am arguing that there is more than one way to "flip a script"; it is a multiple option process.

45. See Melville Herskovits, The Myth of the African Past (Boston: Beacon Press, 1958) and E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church (New York: Shocken Books, 1964), pp. 1-19. There is an excellent summary of the Frazier-Herskovits debate in Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford), pp.48-55.

46. Ann J. Lane, ed., The Debate over Slavery: Stanley Elkins and His Critics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971).

47. Elkins, Slavery, p. 82.

48. Gustav Ichhauser, Appearances and Realities (San Francisco, 1970), quoted in Blassingame, The Slave Community, p. 135.

49. Milton Cantor, "The image of the Negro in Colonial Literature," quoted in Blassingame, The Slave Community, p. 136.

50. Blassingame, p.137

51. Ibid., p.138

52. Norman B. Yetman "Personality, Slave," in Randall M. Miller and John David Smith, eds., Dictionary of Afro-American Slavery (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), pp. 564-568.

53. Richard B. Erno, "Dominant Images of the Negro in the Antebellum South" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1961).

54. The first English-language edition Mannoni's book appeared in 1956.

55. Yetman, p. 564f.

56. John Blassingame, The Slave Community, p. 134.

57. Ibid., p 133f. My colleague Bill Sales remarked to me that most "bloods" today are like Jack: they are not militants or revolutionaries; they go along with the white man's program. But given the opportunity, they'll strike a blow. He cited the spontaneous looting that went on during New York City's Black-Out (power failure) in 1977. I can bear witness. I remember when the lights flickered that hot July evening; they went off for 30 seconds, came back on for a moment, and then went out again for good. I was near a city park, where folks had been engaged in the usual recreational activities-basketball, handball lounging on the benches, etc. When the lights went out for good, there was an instantaneous roar from the crowd. They knew what time it was. Everybody started heading for the shopping district.

58. Blassingame, p.141

59. Ibid., p. 213.

60. Paul Lawrence Dunbar, "We Wear The Mask" (1895), reprinted in Henry Louis Gates and Nelly Y. McKay, eds., The Norton Anthology of African American Literature (New York: Norton, 1997), p. 896.

61. Kenneth Stampp, "Rebels and Sambos: The Search for the Negro's Personality in Slavery," Journal of Southern History, Vol. 37, No. 3 (1971), pp. 367-392.

62. Ibid., p. 389.

63. Ibid., p. 390, quoting Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town.

64. Ibid., p. 391, quoting from Farmer's Register (May 1837).

65. Orlando Patterson, "Quashee," in Lane, The Debate over Slavery; also in Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery:An Analysis of the Origins, Development and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica (Rutherford: Farleigh Dickinson Press, 1969), pp. 174-181.

66. Eugene Genovese, "Rebelliousness and Docility in the Negro Slave: A Critique of the Elkins Thesis,"

in Lane, The Debate over Slavery, pp. 43-74.

67. Ibid., p. 49.

68. Ibid., quoting Davis, Problem of Slavery.

69. Herbert Aptheker, American Negro Slave Revolts (New York: International Publishers, 1969).

70. Elkins, Slavery, p. 136f, n. 112.

71. Stampp, "Rebels and Sambos," p. 4

72. Ibid.

73. Blassingame, p. 139.

74. See William Lore Katz, Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage, (New York Atheneum, 1986), pp. 49-88; also Jeff Guinn, Our Land Before We Die: The Proud Story of the Seminole Negro (New York: Tarcher-Putnam, 2002).

75. George Fredrickson and Christopher Lasch, "Resistance to Slavery" in Lane, The Debate over Slavery, pp. 223-244

76. Fredrickson & Lasch, p. 225f.

77. Ibid., p. 226

78. Ibid., pp. 238-241.

79. Howard McGary, "Resistance and Slavery," in Tommy L. Lott, ed., African American Philosophy: Selected Readings (Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 2002); reprinted from Howard McGary & Bill Lawson, Between Slavery and Freedom, (Bloomington: Indiana Univeristy, 1991).

80. Gottlieb's essay appeared in Social Theory and Practice, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1983).

81. McGary, p. 8f. Stealing from the slavemaster as a means of resistance to slavery may even have been a behavior that was passed down from generation to generation, strategically teaching the practice to children as routine behavior. (p.10)

82. Robin D. G. Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics and the Black Working Class (New York: The Free Press, 1994), p. 8. According to Kelley, the term "infrapolitics" was coined by political anthropologist James C. Scott, e.g., in his work, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts.

83. Ibid., p. 8f.

84. McGary, p. 4.

85. Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: Meridian, 1962), p. 47.

86. William H. Grier & Price M. Cobbs,Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, 1968), pp. 24, 26, 31.

87. Na'im Akbar, Breaking the Chains of Psychological Slavery (Tallahassee: Mind Productions & Associates, 1996), p. 3f.

88. Maulana Karenga, Kawaida Theory: An Introductory Outline (Inglewood, CA: Kawaida Publications, 1980), p. 90.

89. I am indebted to my colleague, Regina Naasirah Blackburn for many sharings, one of which is her enthusiasm for the work of Toni Morrison, especially the novel Beloved and its film adaptation. Another is Elizabeth B. House's brilliant paper, "Toni Morrison's Ghost: The Beloved Who Is Not Beloved," Studies in American Fiction, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1990). House demystifies Beloved and explains that it is not a ghost story but a story of mistaken identities: two key figures, Sethe and Beloved, in deep pain and in search for love; a developmentally-challenged child searching for a mother-figure, a mother longing for a daughter slain in infancy. A grand illusion and confusions of identities which lead to more pain and mental illness: a perfect metaphor for the African American condition: people lost, confused, in identity crisis, and searching in vain for love and understanding.

90. On October 16, 1995, one million men of Afrikan descent gathered on the mall in Washington DC. We all took home many fruits and many jewels that day. One jewel was our new knowledge about the Willie Lynch letter-a very powerful letter exposing the ruthlessness, malevolence, cunning and conspiratorial nature of the white supremacist slavemaster. The letter is attributed to a slave owner named Willie Lynch who delivered his letter or speech "on the banks of the James River" in Virginia 1712, telling other slave owners how to manipulate their slaves by creating debilitating distrust, divisions and antagonisms based on generation gaps, skin complexion, hairtexture, gender, status and size of plantations, level of intelligence, etc. The Willie Lynch letter is available on the web or in pamphlets at black bookstores printed together with a companion piece called "Let's Make a Slave"-which is even more noxious in its detailed descriptions of how to wreak havoc upon the black man, the black woman, and the black family. A brother named Ernest Duncley with a rich bass/baritone singing voice even recorded a very moving Willie Lynch song on his new CD; if people were exposed to the song, it would probably become a classic like Billie Holiday's rendition of "Strange Fruit." Were the letter and its companion piece authentically written by an 18th century slavemaster? Did Frederick Douglass actually write a commentary on the letter (as one website suggests)? Or were all of these documents manufactured by some black nationalist brothers who were nobly motivated to shake up their complacent brothers and sisters and make them think about the virulent racism that surrounds us all? Somehow the documents just don't have an 18th-century ring to them: the words are written in modern language with a modern tone, e.g., there are phrases like "multiplicity of phenomena," "substantial original historical base" that simply weren't typical of the 1700s. But is the Willie Lynch letter real. Yes, it's real-in the way that Yakub is real, in the way that Aesop's fables are real, in the way that parables are real. It points to a real truth. It gets a point home quickly, powerfully and directly. It makes the horror and the conspiratorial tactics of enslavement and oppression vivid. It serves a consciousness-raising function. Willie Lynch-a caricature of the white man-the lyncher, the supremacist, the conniver, the destroyer of black manhood, womanhood and familyhood-is certainly more real to us than Sambo! It gives us something to talk about and think about in barbershops and on street corners. As a threatening enemy it helps bind us together and make us strong. So, yes, Willie Lynch and the Willie Lynch letter are real! Now who actually drafted it up and what century they drafted it in is a whole 'nother story.

91. In his now classic work, Racism and the Class Struggle: Further Pages from a Black Worker's Notebook (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970), James Boggs points out that the white working class, because it enjoys white skin privilege, hasn't been very revolutionary or even progressive on many labor issues. In fact they have been reactionary, and Boggs calls them a backward class segment. It is black workers who have taken the forefront in radical organizing and confronting the powers-that-be.

92. Yusuf Nuruddin, "Contemporary Black Patriotism and Historical Amnesia," in Nadia Batool Ahmad, et al., Unveiling the Real Terrorist Mind (Xlibris Corp., 2002), pp. 167-177.

93. See Yusuf Nuruddin, "Promises and Pitfalls of Reparations," Socialism and Democracy, no. 31 (Winter/Spring 2002), pp. 88-114.

94. The Last Poets, "Blessed Are Those Who Struggle," from the album Delights of the Garden (Douglas/Casablanca Records, 1977).

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