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Notes
1. Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial
in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997).
2. An expanded version of the editorial appears under the title “Deconstructing
the Columbus Myth: Was the ‘Great Discoverer’ Spanish or
Italian, Nazi or Jew?” in A Little Matter of Genocide at pp. 81-96.
3. Deborah Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust: The Growing Assault on Truth
and Memory (New York: Free Press, 1993).
4. Ibid., p. 19. Lipstadt’s colleague, Lucy Dawidowicz, has described
such comparisons as “vicious anti-Americanism”; Lucy S.
Dawidowicz, The Holocaust and the Historians (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1981) p. 17. For excellent summaries of the position
thus described, see S.E. Anderson, The Black Holocaust for Beginners
(New York: Writers & Readers, 1995); Seymour Drescher, “The
Atlantic Slave Trade and the Holocaust: A Comparative Analysis, in Alan
S. Rosenbaum, ed., Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative
Genocide (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), pp. 65-85.
5. For a snapshot of what is being obscured, see Patrick Manning, “The
Slave Trade: The Formal Demography of a Global System,” in Joseph
E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade:
Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas,
and Europe (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992), pp. 117-41.
6. Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust, pp. 213-4. For the actual argument
advanced by those making the case on the implications of the U.S. internment
program, see Roger Daniels, Concentration Camps USA: Japanese Americans
and World War II (Hinsdale, IL: Dryden Press, 1971).
7. As SS General Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski put it, “The fight
against partisans was gradually used as an excuse to carry out other
measures, such as the extermination of Jews and Gypsies”; quoted
in Matthew Cooper, The Phantom War: The German Struggle Against Soviet
Partisans, 1941-1944 (London: MacDonald & Janes, 1979), p. 57. Ironically,
Lipstadt herself quotes Barnes to the same effect; Denying the Holocaust,
pp. 78-9.
8. For comparisons, see as examples Richard Drinnon, Keeper of Concentration
Camps: Dillon S. Myer and American Racism (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1987), esp. pp. 6, 157, 273; Lane Ryo Hirabayashi, Inside and
American Concentration Camp: Japanese American Resistance at Poston,
Arizona (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1995), pp. xxi-xxiii.
For a handy typology of camps, see Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism
(New York: Meridian Books, 1958), p. 445.
9. “[E]quivalent [to] being David Duke without his robes,”
as she puts it; Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust, p. 215.
10. Steven T. Katz, The Holocaust in Historical Context, Vol. 1: The
Holocaust and Mass Death Before the Modern Age (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1992).
11. Katz claims that his “argument…disconfirms assertions
[apparently including those of Raphaël Lemkin, who coined the term]
that genocide was a common phenomenon in the ancient and medieval world.
Judged against the major instances of oppression, violence, and mass
murder in these earlier periods, the uniqueness of the Sho’ah
[Holocaust] seems clearly established”; p. 20.
12. “The…now widespread…rewriting of American history
as an instance of genocide” is covered at pp. 18, 20-1, 87-91.
13. “DEFINITION: The Holocaust is phenomenologically unique by
virtue of the fact that never before has a state set out, as a matter
of principle and actualized policy, to annihilate physically every man,
woman, and child belonging to a specific people,” p. 29. Also
see the section entitled “A Definition of Phenomenological Uniqueness”;
pp. 58-62.
14. To Alexander, the Holocaust affords “a Jewish claim to a specific
suffering that [is] of the ‘highest,’ the most distinguished
grade available”; for others to compare their sufferings to those
endured during the Holocaust is, he says, “to plunder the moral
capital of the Jewish people”; Edward Alexander, “Stealing
the Holocaust,” Midstream, Vol. 26, No. 9, 1980, p. 47; The Holocaust
and the War of Ideas (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1994), p. 195.
On the idea that this amounts to a sort of “extermination pride”
translating into “privileged nation status” for Israel,
see Phillip Lopate, “Resistance to the Holocaust,” in David
Rosenberg, ed., Testimony: Contemporary Writers Make the Holocaust Personal
(New York: Times Books, 1989), pp. 299-300.
15. Alexander’s position is consistent not only with Katz’s
“phenomenological definition of genocide,” but also with
Yehuda Bauer’s assertion that “to date,” actual genocide
“has happened once, to the Jews under Nazism”; Bauer, The
Holocaust in Historical Perspective (Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 1978), p. 38.
16. Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia, 1941-1945 (New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1957), p. 247; Karl Dietrich Bracher, The German
Dictatorship: The Origins, Structure and Effect of National Socialism
(London: Thomson International, 1972), p. 424. More broadly, see Bryan
Mark Rigg, Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers: The Untold Story of Nazi
Racial Laws and Men of Jewish Descent in the German Military (Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 2002).
17. Documentary and Cultural Centre for Sintis and Roma, State Museum
of Auschwitz-Birkenau, Memorial Book: The Gypsies at Auschwitz-Birkenau
(Munich: K.G. Saur, 1993), p. xiv. An even clearer directive was issued
in 1939 by Johannes Behrendt of the nazi Office of Racial Hygiene to
the effect that, “all Gypsies should be treated as hereditarily
sick: the only solution is elimination. The aim should therefore be
the elimination without hesitation of this defective element of the
population”; quoted in Bruno Müller-Hill, Murderous Science:
Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies, and Others, 1933-1945
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 58.
18. Louis Snyder, Encyclopedia of the Third Reich (New York: Paragon
House, 1989).
19. Ian Hancock, “Responses to the Porrajmos: The Romani Holocaust,”
in Rosenbaum, Is the Holocaust Unique?, p. 59.
20. The inclusion of Bauer’s 3.5 pages on Gypsies in the 2-volume,
2,000 page encyclopedia—devoted as they are to “proving”
that “the fate of Gypsies was in line with Nazi thought as a whole;
Gypsies were not Jews, and therefore it was not necessary to kill all
of them”—comes to less than a quarter of one percent of
the total; Israel Gutman, ed., Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York:
Macmillan, 1990).
21. Margaret Stapinska, “Nameless, Stateless, Endless Victims,”
Yorkshire Post, Jan. 25, 1995.
22. See generally, Donald Kendrick and Grattan Puxton, Gypsies under
the Swastika (Hatfield, UK: Gypsy Research Centre/University of Hertfordshire
Press, 1995).
23. Steven Kinzer, “Germany Cracks Down: Gypsies Come First,”
New York Times, Sept. 27, 1992.
24. Martin A. Lee, The Beast Reawakens (Boston: Little, Brown, 1997),
esp. pp. 272-81.
25. Sandor Balogh, “Following in the Footsteps of the Ku Klux
Klan: Anti-Gypsy Organization in Romania,” Nemzetközi Cigány
Szövetség Bulletin, No. 5, 1993; Louise Branson, “Romanian
Gypsies Being Terrorized,” San Francisco Chronicle, Dec. 19, 1993.
More broadly, see Paul Hockenos, Free to Hate: The Rise of the Right
in Post-Communist Eastern Europe (New York: Routledge, 1993); on Gypsies,
see esp. pp. 150-8, 201-7, 214-23, 227-8.
26. See Eva von Hase-Mihalik and Doris Kreuzkamp, Du kriegst auch einen
schönen Wohnwagen: Zwangslager für Sinti und Roma während
des National-Sozialismus in Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt: Brandes &
Apsel, 1990).
27. Lee, Beast Reawakens, pp. 290-6.
28. For background, see Michael Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards: A
Study of Ostforschung in the Third Reich (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Press, 1988).
29. A good overview is provided in Robert Cecil, The Myth of the Master
Race: Alfred Rosenberg and Nazi Ideology (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1972).
30. Kinzer, “Germany Cracks Down” (n. 23).
31. See Moshe Zimmermann’s “Foreword” in Michael Stoelleis,
The Law Under the Swastika: Studies on the Legal History of Nazi Germany
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), esp. pp. ix-x.
32. “[T]he novum that is the Endlösung [Final Solution] reveals
the dark, eccentric essence of Nazism—its singularity as an historical
phenomenon—as nothing else does”; Katz, Holocaust in Historical
Context, p. 3.
33. This is readily evident in their choice of titles. As examples,
see Paul Rassinier, Debunking the Holocaust Myth: A Study of the Nazi
Concentration Camps and the Alleged Extermination of European Jewry
(Torrance, CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1978); Austin App, The
Six Million Swindle: Blackmailing the German People for Hard Marks with
Fabricated Corpses (Tacoma Park, MD: Noontide Press, 1974); Arthur R.
Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century: The Case Against the Presumed
Extermination of European Jewry (Torrance, CA: Institute for Historical
Review, 1976).
34. On Nolte, see Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History,
Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1988), esp. pp. 25-33; Richard J. Evans, In Hitler’s Shadow:
West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi Past
(New York: Pantheon, 1989), pp. 27-39, 80-9.
35. Christof Friedrich (Ernst Zundel) and Eric Thompson, The Hitler
We Loved and Why (Reedy, WV: White Power Publications, 1978). David
Irving’s major work is Hitler’s War (New York: Viking, 1977).
36. See, e.g., Katz, Holocaust in Historical Context, p. 131.
37. The arguments are summed by David Stannard in his “Uniqueness
as Denial: The Politics of Holocaust Scholarship,” in Rosenbaum,
Is the Holocaust Unique?, p. 190.
38. Butz, Hoax of the Twentieth Century; Robert Faurisson, “The
Problem of the Gas Chambers,” Journal of Historical Review, Summer
1980.
39. “We emphasize [that genocidal killing is] one-sided to indicate
that we are dealing with cases in which there is no reciprocity [emphasis
original]”; Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, History and Sociology
of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1990), p. 23. The absurdity of such a definition is evidenced
by the fact that it would exclude even the Jews, insofar as they sometimes
reciprocated nazi violence, from having suffered genocide; see Yehuda
Bauer, “Jewish Resistance and Passivity in the Face of the Holocaust,”
in François Furet, ed., Unanswered Questions: Nazi Germany and
the Genocide of the Jews (New York: Schocken Books, 1989); Hermann Langbein,
Against All Hope: Resistance in the Nazi Concentration Camps, 1938-1945
(New York: Continuum, 1996).
40. An Italian opinion poll conducted in 1992 revealed that 10 percent
of the population believed the Holocaust never happened; Jewish Telegraphic
Agency, Nov. 2, 4, 1992. See also Fritz Karmasin, Austrian Attitudes
Towards Jews, Israel and the Holocaust (New York: Holmes & Meier,
1992).
41. See note 15.
42. This principle was famously explored by Frantz Fanon in the clinical
reports appended to his Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press,
1966). For a succinct summary of effects on Holocaust survivors, see
Judith Herman, Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence—from
Domestic Abuse to Political Terror (New York: Basic Books, 1997), pp.
84-95. Interesting parallels will be found in Ron Eyerman’s Cultural
Trauma: Slavery and the Formation of African American Identity (Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
43. One assumes that by choosing this obscure word, Katz means to convey
the idea that the Holocaust, as he represents it, was something “new”
and “singular,” e.g.: “This long and complex peregrination…allows
me to conclude that the Sho’ah does represent a phenomenological
and historical novum”; Holocaust in Historical Context , p. 24.
His propensity to lard the vacuousness of his thesis with overblown
and exotic vernacular may have undone him on this occasion, however,
since the sole—singular?—definition of “novum”
offered by the Oxford Dictionary of the English Language is, “An
old game at dice played by five or six persons, the two principal throws
being nine and five.”
44. Quite the contrary may be true. The Allied powers maintained notoriously
strict barriers against Jewish immigration, before, during and after
the Holocaust; see, e.g., Arthur D. Morse, While Six Million Died: A
Chronicle of American Apathy (New York: Random House, 1968); David S.
Wyman, The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941-1945
(New York: Pantheon, 1984). Another strong indicator is that even though
they were aware of the genocide being conducted there, neither Britain
nor the U.S. was willing to “divert” so much as a single
bomber to the task of impeding the delivery of Jews to Auschwitz or
damaging the extermination facility itself. This remained true despite
the fact that the RAF overflew both the railroad tracks leading to the
Auschwitz-Birkenau complex, and the death camp itself, en route to bombing
the buna plant and other manufacturing facilities at Birkenau; see Martin
Gilbert, “The Contemporary Case for the Feasibility of Bombing
Auschwitz,” in Michael J. Neufeld and Michael Berenbaum, eds.,
The Bombing of Auschwitz: Should the Allies Have Attempted It? (New
York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), pp. 65-75.
45. “If certain acts and violations of treaties are crimes, they
are crimes whether the United States does them or Germany does them.
We are not prepared to lay down a rule of criminal conduct against others
which we are not willing to have invoked against us”; quoted in
Bertrand Russell, War Crimes in Vietnam (New York: Monthly Review Press,
1967), p. 125.
46. See Karl Jaspers, E.B. Ashton and Joseph W. Koterski, The Question
of German Guilt (New York: Fordham University Press, 2002); Jörg
Friedrich, “Nuremberg and the Germans,” in Belinda Cooper,
ed., War Crimes: The Legacy of Nuremberg (New York: TV Books, 1999),
pp. 87-106.
47. On Indochinese fatalities, see H. Bruce Franklin, Vietnam and Other
American Fantasies (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2000),
p. 111. For a representative editorial—in which it is argued with
astonishing frankness that “war crimes tribunals would be the
worst thing that could happen, [because] they would amount to…a
system of legal guilt for top [U.S.] officials” who violated international
law—see Townsend Hoopes, “The Nuremberg Suggestion,”
Washington Monthly, Jan. 1970.
48. With regard to American endorsement of such obligations for other
people, consider the postwar valorization of the German officers who
attempted to assassinate Adolf Hitler in June 1944; see, e.g., Giles
MacDonogh, A Good German: A Biography of Adam von Trott zu Solz (Woodstock,
NY: Overlook Press, 1992).
49. See, e.g., Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy
(Chicago: Quadrangle, 1970). Also see Lawrence J. LeBlanc, The United
States and the Genocide Convention (Chapel Hill, NC: Duke University
Press, 1991), pp. 92-6, 182-3.
50. Jean-Paul Sartre, “On Genocide,” Ramparts, Feb. 1968.
51. For such qualified usage, see Chomsky’s For Reasons of State
(New York: Vintage, 1973), among others.
52. Nothing demonstrates the self-serving nature of the antiwar movement
better than the fact that. once military conscription of Americans was
ended, mass opposition to what was happening in Indochina abated very
rapidly. This is “explained” in a standard text as follows:
“The decline of the movement was logical. The one focal point
of [the late-60s]—the war—was over in 1973”; Terry
H. Anderson, The Movement and the Sixties: Protest in America from Greensboro
to Wounded Knee (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 409. The
fact is, however, that the war did not “end in 1973,” but
rather continued into 1975 on the basis of U.S. weapons, munitions and
air support, claiming an ever-greater toll of Indochinese.
53. Max Elbaum, Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals turn to Lenin,
Mao and Che (London: Verso, 2002).
54. See, e.g., Michael Albert’s What Is To Be Undone: A Modern
Revolutionary Discussion of Classical Left Ideologies (Boston: Porter
Sargent, 1974), esp. pp. 26-9.
55. Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman’s The Political Economy
of Human Rights, Vol. II: After the Cataclysm: Postwar Indochina and
the Reconstruction of Imperial Ideology (Boston: South End Press, 1979).
56. Middle East Watch, Needless Deaths in the Gulf War: Civilian Casualties
During the Air Campaign and Violations of the Laws of War (New York:
Human Rights Watch, 1991); Ramsey Clark and Others, War Crimes: A Report
on U.S. War Crimes Against Iraq (Washington, D.C.: Maisonneuve Press,
1992).
57. Ramsey Clark, ed., The Impact of Sanctions on Iraq: The Children
are Dying (Washington, D.C.: Maisonneuve Press, 1996);
58. Albright’s “worth the price” statement was aired
on May 12, 1996; quoted in William Blum, Rogue State: A Guide to the
World’s Only Superpower (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 2000),
pp. 5-6. For other phrases used, see Noam Chomsky, “‘What
We Say Goes’: The Middle East in the New World Order,” in
Cynthia Peters, ed., Collateral Damage: The “New World Order”
at Home and Abroad (Boston: South End Press, 1992), pp. 49-92.
59. Ramsey Clark et al., Challenge to Genocide: Let Iraq Live (Washington,
D.C.: International Action Center, 1998).
60. See note 52.
61. John G. Taylor, Indonesia’s Forgotten War: The Hidden History
of East Timor (London: Zed Books, 1991); Gérard Prunier, The
Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1995); David Rieff, Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of
the West (New York: Touchstone, 1995). It should be noted that Steven
Katz has gone on record dismissing the Bosnian genocide as a mere “population
transfer supported by violence,” and that in Rwanda as simply
a struggle for “tribal domination”; quoted in Liz McMillen,
“The Uniqueness of the Holocaust,” Chronicle of Higher Education,
June 22, 1994.
62. On the massacre of 240 Palestinians at the village of Deir-Yassin
on Apr. 7, 1948, see Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee
Problem (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 113-5.
63. See generally, J. Bowyer Bell, Terror Out of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi,
Lehi, and the Palestine Underground, 1929-1949 (New York: Discus, 1977).
64. For a good chronology, see Kameel B. Nasr, Arab and Israeli Terrorism
(Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1997).
65. On Stern’s desire for an alliance with Italian fascism, see
Joseph Heller, The Stern Gang: Ideology, Politics and Terror, 1940-1949
(London: Frank Cass, 1995), pp. 77-80. Also see the document reproduced
in A. Amichal-Yeivin, In Purple: The Life of Yair—Avraham Stern
(Tel Aviv: Hebrew University Press, 1968), p. 313.
66. On Shamir’s prominence in Lehi, see Heller, Stern Gang, esp.
pp. 271-9.
67. On Begin’s role as head of Irgun after the death of the organization’s
founder, David Raziel, see Saul Zadka, Blood in Zion: How the Jewish
Guerrillas Drove the British Out of Palestine (London: Brassey’s,
1995).
68. On the founding of Likud, see Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel
and the Arab World (New York: W.W. Norton, 2000), p. 323.
69. Much of Sharon’s sordid history is proudly recounted in his
memoirs, ghosted by David Chanoff; Warrior: The Autobiography of Ariel
Sharon (London: Macdonald, 1989). See also Shlaim, Iron Wall.
70. On Ben Gurion’s territorial ambitions, see Avi Shlaim, “The
Protocol of Sèvres, 1956: Anatomy of a War Plot,” International
Affairs, Vol. 73, No. 3, 1997.
71. On Sharon’s overall performance in what he called his “big
plan” for Lebanon—the military operation itself was dubbed
“Peace for Galilee”—see Shlaim, Iron Wall, pp. 395-417.
72. For an unintended stirring of the U.S. version of this unsavory
stew, see Deborah L. Madsen, American Exceptionalism (Jackson: University
of Mississippi Press, 1998).
73. Walter L. Adamson, Hegemony and Revolution: A Study of Antonio Gramsci’s
Political and Cultural Theory (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1980), pp. 170-9.
74. See the essay entitled “Cowboys and…” in Durham’s
A Certain Lack of Coherence: Writings on Art and Cultural Politics (London:
Kala Press, 1993), pp. 170-87. On the Lyotardian variants, see Bill
Readings, Introducing Lyotard: Art and Politics (New York: Routledge,
1991), pp. 100, 117.
75. Even this is often not enough. Consider the subtitle of Taylor’s
Nuremberg and Vietnam, in which the U.S. perpetration of genocide against
the Indochinese is cast as a “tragedy” for the perpetrators
rather than their victims.
76. Hannah Vogt, The Burden of Guilt: A Short History of Germany, 1914-1945
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).
77. Roger W. Smith, “Denial of the Armenian Genocide,” in
Israel Charny, ed., Genocide: A Critical Biographic Review, 2 vols.
(New York & London: Facts on File/Mansell, 1988) Vol. 2, pp. 63-85;
Roger W. Smith, Eric Markusen and Robert Jay Lifton, “Professional
Ethics and the Denial of the Armenian Genocide,” Holocaust and
Genocide Studies, No. 9, 1995, pp. 1-22; Yair Auron, The Banality of
Indifference: Zionism and the Armenian Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction, 2002), pp. 351-68.
78. Yuki Tanaka, Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998).
79. Hancock, “Responses to the Porrajmos” (n. 19), p. 55.
80. That museum officials are aware that inclusion of these other groups
is warranted is evidenced in the nature of director Michael Berenbaum’s
edited volume, A Mosaic of Victims: Non-Jews Persecuted and Murdered
by the Nazis (New York: New York University Press, 1990), the content
of which should be compared to that of his subsequent The World Must
Know: The History of the Holocaust as Told by the American Holocaust
Memorial Museum (Boston: Little, Brown, 1993).
81. The Large Soviet Encyclopedia (Moscow: State Publishing House, 1952),
pp. 440-1.
82. Nicholai K. Deker and Andrei Lebed, Genocide in the USSR: Studies
in Group Destruction (New York: Scarecrow Press, 1958).
83. Walker Connor, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory
and Strategy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp.
67-100.
84. This argument is made very well by the late Leo Kuper in his The
Prevention of Genocide (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985).
85. See LeBlanc, United Sates and the Genocide Convention, pp. 222-34;
the so-called Sovereignty Package appears as Appendix C, pp. 253-4.
86. A.L. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America
(Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Publications in
American Archaeology and Ethnology XXXVIII, 1939), pp. 148-9.
87. The new orthodoxy was first enunciated by Douglas H. Ubelaker in
his “Prehistoric New World Population Size: Historical Review
and Current Appraisal of North American Estimates,” American Journal
of Physical Anthropology, No. 45, 1976. The number he eventually arrives
at is precisely 2,171,125. The more daring 3 million estimate will be
found in William H. Deneven’s “North American Indian Population
Size: Changing Perspectives,” in John W. Verano and Douglas H.
Ubelaker, eds., Disease and Demography in the Americas (Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1992).
88. For a strong advocacy of the reactionary position, see David Henige,
Numbers from Nowhere: The American Indian Contact Population Debate
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998).
89. For background, see David Hurst Thomas, Skull Wars: Kennewick Man,
Archaeology, and the Battle for Native American Identity (New York:
Basic Books, 2000).
90. For critique, see Vine Deloria, Jr., Red Earth, White Lies: Native
Americans and the Myth of Scientific Fact (New York: Scribner, 1995).
91. Francis Jennings assigns blame to the effects of “racist pseudoscience”;
Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism and the Cant
of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975),
pp. 17-9.
92. James M. Mooney, The Aboriginal Population of America North of Mexico
(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections LXXX, No. 7,
Smithsonian Institution, 1928).
93. A.L. Kroeber, “Native American Population,” American
Anthropologist, N.S., XXXVI, 1934.
94. Jennings, The Invasion of America, p. 19. See also Wilber R. Jacobs,
“The Tip of the Iceberg: Precolumbian Demography and Some Implications
for Revisionism,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., No. 31,
1974.
95. The method is explained most thoroughly in Henry F. Dobyns, “Estimating
Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques and a New
Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology, No. 7, 1966.
96. Sherburne F. Cook and Leslie B. Simpson, The Population of Mexico
in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Ibero-Americana,
No. 31, 1948); Woodrow W. Borah and Sherburne F. Cook, The Aboriginal
Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest (Berkeley:
University of California Ibero-American No. 43, 1963); Woodrow W. Borah
and Sherburne F. Cook, “Conquest and Population: A Demographic
Approach to Mexican History,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical
Society , CXIII, 1969.
97. The estimate was included in Woodrow W. Borah, “America as
Model: The Impact of European Expansion on the Non-European World,”
Actas y Memorias, XXXV Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Mexico,
1962: Vol. III (Mexico City: Editorial Libros de Mexico, 1964).
98. Dobyns’ adaptation of the Borah/Cook method is explained in
his “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of
Techniques and a New Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology
, No. 7, 1966.
99. Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population
Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee
Press, 1983), pp. 34-45.
100. Thornton cites a figure of “at least” 9 million in
his American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since
1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), pp. xvii, 242. The
higher estimate is offered in his “American Indian Historical
Demography: A Review essay with Suggestions for the Future,” American
Indian Culture and Research Journal, No. 3, 1979.
101. See, e.g., Kirkpatrick Sale, The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher
Columbus and the Columbian Legacy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990),
p. 316.
102. David Henige, “Their Numbers Become Thick: Native American
Historical Demography as Expiation,” in James A. Clifford, ed.,
The Invented Indian: Cultural Fictions and Government Policies (New
Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1990), pp. 169-91.
103. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census
of the United States, 1930: The Indian Population of the United States
and Alaska (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937),
esp. Table II, “Indian Population by Divisions and States, 1890-1930,”
p. 3.
104. George Machiunas, “U.S.A. Surpasses All the Genocide Records!”
in National Collection of Fine Arts, Images of an Era: The American
Poster, 1945-75 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1975), p.
110.
105. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 3 vols. (New
York: Holmes & Meier, 1985), Vol. 3, pp. 1047-8, 1220.
106. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Report on Indians
Taxed and Not Taxed (1890) (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1894), p. 17.
107. For explication of the myth and its effects, see Boyce Richardson,
People of Terra Nullius: Betrayal and Rebirth of Aboriginal Canada (Vancouver/Seattle:
Douglas & McIntyre/University of Washington Press, 1993). On the
attendant legal doctrine of territorium res nullius, see the essay entitled
“The Tragedy and the Travesty: The Subversion of Indigenous Sovereignty
in North America,” in my Struggle for the Land: Native North American
Resistance to Genocide, Ecocide and Colonization (Winnipeg: Arbiter
Ring, [2nd ed.] 1999), pp. 45-50.
108. Probably the best overall study of nazi resettlement operations
is Götz Aly’s “Final Solution”: Nazi Population
Policy and the Murder of European Jews (London: Arnold, 1999).
109. Grant Foreman, Indian Removal: The Immigration of the Five Civilized
Tribes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1953); Gloria Jahoda,
The Trail of Tears: The Story of the Indian Removals (New York: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston, 1975).
110. Frederick Merk, Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History:
A Reinterpretation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963); Reginald Horsman
Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).
111. This conjuncture of U.S. and nazi policy has occasionally been
the topic of serious study; see, e.g., Frank Parella, Lebensraum and
Manifest Destiny: A Comparative Study in the Justification of Expansionism
(Washington, D.C.: M.A. Thesis, Dept. of International Affairs, Georgetown
University, 1950).
112. According to 1941 nazi policy guidelines: “Many tens of millions
of people will become superfluous in [the western USSR] and will die
or have to immigrate to Siberia.” Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring
summed this up as meaning that “This year, 20 to 30 million people
in Russia will starve. Maybe this is a good thing, as certain peoples
must be decimated”; quotes in Aly, “Final Solution,”
p. 186. A detailed discussion will be found in “Der Generalplan
Ost,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, No. 6, 1958.
More accessibly, see Dallin, German Rule in Russia, pp. 282-8.
113. Yitzak Arad et al., eds., The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections
from the Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads’ Campaign Against
the Jews in Occupied Territories of the Soviet Union, July 1941-January
1943 (New York: Holocaust Library, 1989).
114. See generally, Peter Black, “Forced Labor in the Concentration
Camps, 1942-1944,” in Berenbaum, Mosaic of Victims, pp. 46-63.
115. Raphaël Lemkin, in Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation,
Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, 1944), p. 82, quotes Hitler (Mein
Kampf, p. 590) to the effect that the Poles, Slovenes and Serbs are
to be totally eradicated. On the fate of the Serbs, see Christopher
R. Browning, “Germans and Serbs: The Emergence of Antipartisan
Operations in 1941,” and Menachem Shelah, “Genocide in Satellite
Croatia during the Second World War,” both in Berenbaum, Mosaic
of Victims, pp. 64-73, 74-9. On the Poles, see Richard C. Lukas, Forgotten
Holocaust: The Poles Under Nazi Occupation, 1939-1944 (Lexington: University
Press of Kentucky, 1986).
116. Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1939),
pp. 403, 591; see also Hitler’s Secret Book (New York: Grove Press,
1961), pp. 46-52.
117. For the Himmler quote, see Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors:
Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books,
1986) p. 477. On Goebbels’ production of such films as Der ewige
Jude (The Eternal Jew) see David Stewart Hull, Film in the Third Reich
(New York: Touchstone Books, 1973), esp. pp. 172-4.
118. The film is a somewhat sanitized rendering of a frankly genocidal
novel, The Unforgiven (New York: Harper & Bros., 1957) by Alan LeMay.
119. Barbara Alice Mann, Iroqouian Women: The Gantowisas (New York:
Peter Lang, 2000), p. 364.
120. See the essay entitled “Fantasies of the Master Race: The
Stereotyping of American Indians in Film,” in my Fantasies of
the Master Race: Literature, Cinema and the Colonization of American
Indians (San Francisco: City Lights, [2nd ed.] 1998), pp. 167-224.
121. Interestingly, like The Unforgiven, John Ford’s The Searchers
was based on an Alan LeMay novel of the same title (New York: Harper
& Row, 1954).
122. Steven T. Katz, “The Pequot War Reconsidered,” New
England Quarterly , No. 64, 1991.
123. See Richard Drinnon, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating
and Empire-Building (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980),
pp. 35-45.
124. Axtell’s books include The European and the Indian: Essays
in the Ethnohistory of North America (New York: Oxford University Press,
1981), After Columbus: Essays in the Ethnohistory of North America (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1988), and Beyond 1492: Encounters in
Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). Washburn’s
include The Indian in America (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1975), and
Red Man’s Land. White Man’s Law: The Past and Present Status
of the American Indian (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, [2nd ed.]
1995). He also edited the Handbook of the North American Indians, Vol.
4: History of Indian-White Relations (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1988).
125. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston: Little, Brown,
1988). This is roughly the equivalent of writing a biography of Adolf
Hitler in which the Holocaust is never so much as passingly noted.
126. Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken
Past of the American West (New York: W.W. Norton, 1987).
127. Useful readings in these connections will be found in Ivan Hannaford’s
Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Baltimore/Washington, D.C.:
Johns Hopkins University Press/Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996); John
Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Ethnicity (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1996).
128. Lecture at the University of Florida, Apr. 1, 1991. The genocides
acknowledged by Axtell include those of the Pequots (1637), the Mesquaki
(otherwise known as the Fox; 1712-30), the Natchez and Yazoos (1729)
and Jeffrey Amherst’s “extirpation” of the Ottawas
and other peoples in the Ohio River Valley (1763). Indeed, he has recognized
that “campaigns of genocide” were “frequent”
in Europe’s American colonies; Axtell, After Columbus, p. 243.
129. This is standard; see Ann F. Ramenofsky, Vectors of Death: The
Archaeology of European Contact (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 1987); Daniel T. Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change
in New Spain, 1518-1764 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991);
John W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubelaker, Disease and Demography in the
Americas (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1992).
130. David E. Stannard, American Holocaust: The Conquest of the New
World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).
131. To be accurate, culpability was assigned under the rubric of “crimes
against humanity” rather than genocide. For delineation of the
classifications of criminal activity under which the Nuremberg defendants
were tried, see Agreement for the Prosecution and Punishment of the
Major War Criminals of the European Axis Powers and Charter of the International
Military Tribunal (“Four Power Agreement,” 59 Stat. 1544,
82 U.N.T.S. 279, Sept. 10, 1945) in Burns H. Weston et al., eds., Basic
Documents in International Law and World Order (St. Paul, MN: West,
1990), pp. 138-9.
132. It is precisely this line of reasoning that allows Katz to argue
that, “The native peoples died primarily because of pandemics
against which there was no protection. Nature, not malice, was the main
cause of the massive, incomprehensible devastation”; Holocaust
in Historical Context, p. 20.
133. “Very probably the greatest demographic disaster in history,
the depopulation of the New World, for all its terror and death, was
largely an unintended tragedy, a tragedy that occurred despite the sincere
and indisputable desire of the Europeans to keep the Indian population
alive [emphasis original]”; Katz, Holocaust in Historical Context,
p. 20.
134. See, e.g., Nobel David Cook, and W. George Lovell, eds., “Secret
Judgements of God”: Old World Disease in Colonial Spanish America
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992).
135. For a good overview, see J.H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance:
Discovery, Exploration and Settlement, 1450-1650 (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1963).
136. The quotes will be found in E. Wagner Stearn and Allen E. Stearn,
The Effects of Smallpox on the Destiny of the American Indian (Boston:
Bruce Humphries, 1945), pp. 44-5.
137. Ibid., p. 49.
138. According to Donald Grinde, Peckham revealed the existence of the
Amherst documents only when they were independently discovered by Allen
Stearn. At that, the implications are noticeably downplayed in Peckham’s
Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (New York: Russell & Russell, 1970).
139. Robert O’Connell, Of Arms and Men: A History of War, Weapons,
and Aggression (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 171.
140. Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Europeans, Indians and
the Making of New England, 1500-1643 (New York: Oxford University Press,
1982), pp. 96-101.
141. Jennings, Invasion of America, pp. 207-8, 298-302.
142. Stearn and Stearn, Effects of Smallpox, pp. 89-94.
143. Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival, pp. 94-5.
144. For background, see Ralph K. Andrist, The Long Death: The Last
Days of the Plains Indian (New York: Macmillan, 1964); Dee Brown, Bury
My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West (New
York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970).
145. Jonathan B. Tucker, Scourge: The Once and Future Threat of Smallpox
(New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2001), pp. 16-22.
146. Evan S. Connell, Son of the Morning Star: Custer and the Little
Big Horn (San Francisco: North Point Press, 1984), pp. 15-6. The matter
of the vaccine’s being readily available but not administered
is doubly important since, true to form, Katz has used the 1833 announcement
of a federal policy “requiring” inoculation of Indians as
“proof” that, far from using bacteriological means to destroy
them, the U.S. was doing everything possible to prevent the outbreak
of epidemics; Steven T. Katz, “The Uniqueness of the Holocaust:
The Historical Dimension,” in Rosenbaum, Is the Holocaust Unique?,
p. 21.
147. “Exciting News From Tehema—Indian Thefts—Terrible
Vengeance of the Whites,” Daily Alta California, Mar. 6, 1853;
“Indian Butcheries in California,” San Francisco Bulletin,
July 10, 1860; both excerpted in Robert F. Heizer, ed., The Destruction
of California Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993),
pp. 251, 253-5.
148. Peter McNair et al., The Legacy: Tradition and Innovation in Northwest
Coast Indian Art (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984), p.
24.
149. Verbal account by Sharon H. Venne, chief negotiator for the Dene.
150. Even some rather staunch apologists for the status quo have lately
begun to admit that “the history of the western hemisphere has
a few examples of whites deliberately releasing the [smallpox] virus
among Indians”; R.G. Robertson, Rotting Face: Smallpox and the
American Indian (Caldwell, ID: Caxton, 2001),
p. 301.
151. “The…problem with ‘genocide’ as a description
of, or even analogy to, the post-Columbian loss of Indian life is that
the moral onus it tries to place on European colonists, equating them
with the Nazi S.S., is largely misdirected and inappropriate…
[We] make a hash of our historical judgements because we continue to
feel guilty about the real or imagined sins of our fathers and forefathers
and people to whom we have no relation whatsoever… [We] can stop
flogging ourselves with our ‘imperialistic’ origins and
tarring ourselves with the broad brush of ‘genocide.’ As
a huge nation of law and order and increasingly refined sensibility,
we are not guilty of murdering Indian women and babies, of branding
slaves on the forehead, or of claiming any real estate in the world
we happen to fancy”; Axtell, Beyond 1492, pp. 262-3.
152. On the caloric allotment to Indians in the missions—from
700 to 1000 per day—see Sherburne F. Cook, Indians versus the
Spanish Mission (Berkeley: University of California Ibero-American No.
21, 1943), p. 37, Table 2. On African chattel slaves—4200 to 5400
per day for field hands—see Richard Sutch, “The Care and
Feeding of Slaves,” in Paul A. David et al., Reckoning with Slavery:
A Critical Study in the Quantitative History of American Negro Slavery
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1976). It should be noted that about
700 calories per day, about the same as that received by “missionized”
Indians, were allotted to prisoners in the nazis’ notorious Buchenwald
concentration camp; David Hurst Hackett, ed., The Buchenwald Report
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995), p. 7.
153. On Dora, see Black, “Forced Labor in the Concentration Camps”
(n. 114), p. 57.
154. Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1990), pp. 75-7. Also see Jahoda, Trail
of Tears; Thurman Wilkins, Cherokee Tragedy: The Ridge Family and the
Destruction of a People (New York: Macmillan, 1970).
155. Russell Thornton, “Cherokee Population Losses During the
Trail of Tears: A New Perspective and a New Estimate,” Ethnohistory,
No. 31, 1984, p. 293. Also see Arthur H. DeRosier, Jr., The Removal
of the Choctaw Indians (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1970);
Michael D. Green, The Politics of Indian Removal: Creek Government and
Society in Crisis (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982).
156. “Hitler’s concept of concentration camps as well as
the practicality of genocide owed much, so he said, to his studies of
English and United States history. He admired the camps for Boer prisoners
in South Africa and for Indians in the Wild West; and often praised
to his inner circle the efficiency of America’s extermination—by
starvation and uneven combat—of the red savages”; John Toland,
Adolf Hitler (New York: Doubleday, 1976), p. 802.
157. Roberto Mario Salmon, “The Disease Complaint at Bosque Redondo
(1864-1868),” Indian Historian, No. 9, 1976; Gerald Thompson,
The Army and the Navajo: The Bosque Redondo Reservation Experiment,
1863-1868 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1982).
158. The actual rates were 58% at Mauthausen, 36% at Dachau, and 19%
at Buchenwald; Michael Burleigh, Ethics and Extermination: Reflections
on the Nazi Genocide (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997),
pp. 210-1.
159. “[T]he U.S. government never undertook a general campaign,
never articulated a comprehensive policy, aimed at the eradication of
the Indian [emphasis original]”; Katz, Holocaust in Historical
Context , p. 21.
160. The term “redskin” comes from a 1755 proclamation of
the Massachusetts Bay Colony wherein a bounty was offered for proof-of-death
of Indians in the form of their heads, scalps or “bloody red skins”;
Susan Lobos and Steve Talbot, eds., Native American Voices: A Reader
(New York: Longman, 1998), p. 176.
161. See C. Richard King and Charles Fruehling Springwood, eds., Team
Spirits: The Native American Mascots Controversy (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 2001).
162. Henry J. Young, “A Note on Scalp Bounties in Pennsylvania,”
Pennsylvanian History, No. 24, 1957. The actual rate paid in Massachusetts
was £100 for a man’s scalp, £40 for a woman’s
and £20 for a child’s, so the tally on scalping a pregnant
woman and her fetus came to £60; Acts and Resolves of the Province
of Massachusetts Bay, 21 vols. (Boston: State of Massachusetts Historical
Society, 1869-1922), Vol. 1, pp. 175-6, 594. See also Ian K. Steele,
Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press,
1994), p 142.
163. Anthony Wallace, The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1970), pp. 141-4. The same practice prevailed among
the rangers fighting Shawnees and other peoples in Ohio; Allan W. Eckert,
That Dark and Bloody River: Chronicles of the Ohio River Valley (New
York: Bantam, 1995), p. 359.
164. John Sugden, Tecumseh’s Last Stand (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1985), p. 180.
165. Stannard, American Holocaust, p. 121.
166. See the appendix to Stan Hoig, The Sand Creek Massacre (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1961).
167. Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, pp. 63-4. The same premium
prevailed in the Dakota Territory, where General Alfred Sully had his
headquarters decorated with the skulls of slain Lakotas; Edward Lazarus,
Black Hills, White Justice: The Sioux Nation versus The United States,
1775 to the Present (New York: HarperCollins, 1991), p. 29.
168. Texas paid more than 8,000 scalp bounties between 1858 and 1878
alone; W.W. Newcomb, Jr., The Indians of Texas (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1961).
169. “A new plan has been adopted by our neighbors to chastise
the Indians… Some men have been hired to hunt them, who are to
be compensated by receiving so much for each scalp… The money
has been made up by subscription”; Maryville (CA) Weekly Express,
Apr. 16, 1859.
170. Axtell’s tactic is to divert attention from the issue of
scalp bounties altogether, seeking instead to “prove” that
Indians invented the practice and therefore bear responsibility for
it; see the essays entitled “The Unkindest Cut, or Who Invented
Scalping?” and “Scalping: The Ethnohistory of a Moral Question,”
both in his The European and the Indian, pp. 16-35, 207-41.
171. This was readily encompassed within the arrangement by which the
federal government subsidized the states for purposes of their maintaining
local militias; see, e.g., Henry Knox, “A Plan for the General
Arrangement of the Militia of the United States” (1790), in Walter
Lowrie and Matthew Clarke, eds., American State Papers: Military Affairs
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1832), pp. 6-13.
172. For critique of the notion that the “industrial” nature
of the nazi approach to extermination renders it unique, see the chapter
entitled “A ‘political economy of the Final Solution’?
Reflections on Modernity, Historians and the Holocaust,” in Burleigh,
Ethics and Extermination, pp. 169-82.
173. The title of an editorial written by Rocky Mountain News publisher
William N. Byers on Apr. 1, 1864 was simply “Exterminate Them”;
he therein advocated “extermination of the Indian…as the
most effective method for life and security.” There is much more;
David Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination: A Case Study
in Indian-White Relations (Lanham, MD: University Press of America,
1989).
174. Sheridan’s 1869 observation that the only good Indians he’d
encountered were dead ones, enshrined in Americana as “the only
good Indian is a dead Indian,” speaks for itself. So should Sherman’s
view, expressed in 1866, that his troops should “act with vindictive
earnestness against the [Indians], even to their extermination, men,
women, and children.” On Sheridan’s statement, see Paul
Andrew Hutton, Phil Sheridan and His Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1985), p. 180; on Sherman’s, see Alan Axelrod, Chronicle
of the Indian Wars from Colonial Times to Wounded Knee (New York: Prentice
Hall, 1993), p. 203.
175. For full documentation on these and other massacres, see A Little
Matter of Genocide, pp. 129-288.
176. “There are no written records of what took place between
Hitler, Himmler, and Heydrich concerning the Final Solution, and none
of them survived to testify after the war. Therefore, the decision-making
process at the center must be reconstructed by the historian, who extrapolates
from events, documents, and testimony originating outside the inner
circle; Christopher R. Browning, The Fateful Months: Essays on the Emergence
of the Final Solution (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1985), pp. 13-4.
Also see Gerald Fleming, Hitler and the Final Solution (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1982).
177. A reproduction and translation of the Wannsee Protocol appears
in John Mendelson and Donald S. Detwiler, eds., The Holocaust: Selected
Documents (New York: Garland, 1982), pp. 22-5. There is no reference
to killing, extermination, or anything comparable. For a carefully argued
assessment of the implications, see Browning, Fateful Months, pp. 8-38.
178. David Moshman makes this point rather solidly in his essay, “Conceptual
Restraints on Thinking About Genocide,” Journal of Genocide Research,
Vol. 3, No. 3, 2001, at p. 436.
179. In this sense, my position is quite similar to that taken by nonexclusivist
Jewish scholars such as Israel Charny, Phillip Lopate and Arno J. Mayer.
See, e.g., Charny’s “Toward a Generic Definition of Genocide,”
in George J. Andreopoulos, ed., Genocide: Conceptual and Historical
Dimensions (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), esp.
pp. 72, 91-2; Lopate’s “Resistance to the Holocaust”
(n. 14), esp. p. 292; and Mayer’s Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?
The “Final Solution” in History (New York: Pantheon, [2nd
ed.] 1990), esp. pp. 6, 17.
180. Robert Jay Lifton and Eric Markusen, The Genocidal Mentality: Nazi
Holocaust and Nuclear Threat (New York: Basic Books, 1988).
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